Marhaen Dan Rakyat

Bersatu did not fracture by accident. The party that Mahathir Mohamad co-founded in 2016, built around the promise of a new Malay political vehicle, has spent the opening months of 2026 consuming itself: its leaders purged, its parliamentary bloc split, its chairman gone, and its position in Perikatan Nasional weakened to the point where PAS has stepped in to assume the coalition's leadership. The proximate cause was the bitter feud between Muhyiddin Yassin and his own deputy, Hamzah Zainudin. But the architecture of the collapse, the backroom manoeuvring, the competing loyalty claims, the toxic mixture of personal ambition and Malay unity rhetoric, bears the unmistakable hallmark of the man who built the party in the first place. Mahathir has not been a Bersatu member for years. He was expelled in 2020, formed Pejuang, lost everything at GE15, and has spent the time since in the role he has always performed best: the elder statesman with opinions and no accountability for the ...

In his twilight years, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the 99-year-old former Prime Minister of Malaysia, seems content with spending his last days being an internet troll obsessed with his former protege, current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. It's become like clockwork, as when Anwar says A, Mahathir must come out to say no, it's not A, it's B. This has become so routine that even Mahathir, the neoliberal champion of Malaysia in the 1980s and 1990s, has sought to position himself as a champion of people with low incomes as if he were a socialist icon, just because equitable share of wealth has become a key pillar for Anwar's administration. However, this self-portrayal is steeped in hypocrisy, given his long history of cultivating the conditions he now claims to criticize. The irony of his self-proclaimed role as a champion for the underprivileged is stark, inviting a critical view of his actions. As the architect of Malaysia's economic policies for over two decades, he is of...

What should our federation look like? This question came after the Johor Regent Tunku Ismail Sultan Ibrahim called for Johor to be treated as an equal partner of the federation. This is an important question that should be considered, especially by the critics of Tunku Ismail’s statement. Malaysia’s federal system traces back to the peninsula’s pre-colonial era, comprising distinct Malay states ruled by a sultan. British colonisation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries further solidified these divisions by recognising the states as separate legal entities. Despite British attempts at centralisation in the 1930s, strong objections from the Malay rulers prevented complete consolidation. After World War II, pan-Malaya political organisations emerged. In 1946, the British proposed the Malayan Union (MU), which aimed to centralise administration across British Malaya and grant liberal citizenship rights to all residents, including immigrant Chinese and Indians. However, Malay aristocr...

The second day after the KKB by-election results coincided with the 55th anniversary of the 13 May 1969 race riots. It happened three days after the May 10 election of that year, the third after Malaysia’s independence on Aug 31, 1957. It has left an indelible mark on the Malaysian psyche—yet one of the few Malaysians left to have lived through that incident, a once powerful and well-regarded one, none other than Tun Mahathir, decided to declare on his social media accounts: The Malays have lost their way. If they voted for a non-Malay in Kuala Kubu Bharu, why not a non-Malay PM? Thankfully, Malaysians of all stripes thoroughly rejected this, with many mocking the old nonagenarian for continuing to put himself in the public eye despite his recent legacy marred by political miscalculation and betrayals of the people’s mandate. For most Malaysians, the incident is nothing but a near myth - only discussed in whispers and anonymous corners of the internet. Yet the consequences of that sord...

Despite nearing a century of age, former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad remains an active figure in the political landscape. A longstanding advocate for Malay rights, Mahathir often clashed with the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) during his initial tenure as prime minister from 1981 to 2003. Given this historical context, the unexpected reconciliation between Mahathir and the Islamist PAS in May 2023 raises eyebrows. In a surprising turn, PAS President Hadi Awang endorsed the "Malay Proclamation," a 12-point manifesto crafted by Mahathir. This document seeks to foster Malay unity and rejuvenate the political influence of Malays, who constitute the majority of Malaysia's population alongside other Bumiputera groups. The proclamation suggests that Malays have experienced a decline in political authority, likely attributed to the current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. It calls for setting aside political discord to reinvigorate and safeguard the interests of the Mal...

In the run-up to what could be a historic state election vote, we have seen posturing from politicians on all sides. Most notable of which has been Syed Saddiq, who has recently declared that he will be bringing his party, MUDA, in an alliance with PSM for the upcoming polls. While this is now familiar for those who follow current politics, it is interesting to note that he has done so out of spite towards Pakatan Harapan - despite noting that his previous definition of bipartisanship also includes legitimising the current unelected government and the previous government he had previously campaigned against. Who can forget when he met with former Prime Minister Najib Razak at his home, he encountered brickbats online - a strange turn of events when considering Saddiq’s past statements towards the latter. There is a great deal of irony when the same person who decried the possibility of a PH-UMNO unity government with Najib is the same person who willingly poses and postures with Najib ...

In what is the latest of a series of salvo in the never-ending Mahathir vs Anwar drama, PMX Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim brought attention to a fiber optic contract worth RM214 million awarded to a company that included members of Mahathir's family on its board. Anwar asserted that Mahathir had utilised his positions as prime minister and finance minister to grant the contract to Opcom Cables Sdn Bhd in 2003. Most importantly, this approval was given before Mahathir's resignation as prime minister in late October 2003. During the Umno general assembly, Mahathir had publicly announced his intention to resign more than a year prior, in June 2022. Anwar's defense statement further explained that on September 15, 2003, Telekom Malaysia Bhd (TM) sent a letter to the Ministry of Finance (MoF) requesting approval to engage in direct negotiations with Opcom for the supply of fibre optic cables valued at RM214.2 million. Anwar emphasised that TM is a government-linked company where the ...

The relationship between Mahathir and the Malaysian royalty can be described as tumultuous. Once again, the former statesman has launched another attack on the Johor royal family for allegedly failing to help the Malays. However, given his turbulent history with the royals, can we trust his accusations? Mahathir has constantly portrayed himself as a stabilizing force in Malaysian politics, with grand statements such as only he can take charge and lead the Malays into the future. But it is crystal clear today that Mahathir is responsible for the political instability we see today. Pursuing his vision of Malaysia, he turned UMNO and the Barisan Nasional into a powerful patronage machine. He crippled every institution supposed to check and balance an overreaching executive to push through his “reforms.” He often sacrificed integrity to secure loyalty and bypassed those not supporting him. What about his Bumi first policy? The effects of Mahathir’s policies on his “favoured” bumiputras hav...