Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad just can’t let go of his favorite script: Malays are under threat, only he can save them, and everyone else is either irrelevant or an enemy. Now, at nearly a century old, he’s back with a new plot twist — an “informal Malay committee” he grandly calls a “big umbrella” to unite the Malays once again.
Let’s be honest: anyone paying attention to Malaysian politics knows this is classic Mahathir. The man literally wrote the textbook on racial politics with The Malay Dilemma back in 1970, where he argued Malays needed protection from supposedly domineering non-Malays. The book was so incendiary it was banned by Tunku Abdul Rahman. But Mahathir, ever the master of self-promotion, unbanned it the moment he became prime minister in 1981. Since then, Mahathir has never missed a chance to harp on alleged threats to Malay rights. He has repeatedly called non-Malays pendatang — immigrants — despite most having families who have been here for generations. He’s insisted the Malays are under siege whenever it suited him politically, whether to consolidate power in Umno, justify the NEP’s continuation, or undermine his rivals.
Now, after two failed stints as PM and a humiliating electoral loss in Langkawi where he even lost his deposit, Mahathir wants to revive himself as the supreme Malay champion. This time, he’s dragging along Bersatu’s Muhyiddin Yassin and PAS’s Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man — both old friends and enemies depending on the day — under his new payung besar. He says it’s non-political, but don’t kid yourself: he’s already talking about preparing to retake power.
And yet, where is this supposed Malay crisis he keeps fearmongering about? Malays and Bumiputera dominate the civil service, judiciary, police, military, and top public university posts. Of the 43 highest-ranking government officials, only three are non-Malay. Of 107 director-generals, just four are non-Malay. Malay special rights are literally entrenched in the Federal Constitution. Islam’s position is untouchable. The sultans stand as guardians of Malay interests and identity. And with Malays projected to form a super-majority of the population in a few decades, the idea that they’re on the brink of extinction is absurd.
But Mahathir isn’t really interested in facts; he’s interested in feelings — specifically, stoking fear and anger in Malays who might believe his tall tales of a community on the edge. Because it’s the oldest political trick in the book: if you can convince people they’re under attack, they’ll rally behind you. And rallying is exactly what he needs, especially after falling out of relevance post-2022.
This isn’t about unity or solving real issues like education, wages, or corruption — it’s about Mahathir trying to stay relevant by hammering the same tired drum of Malay supremacy. His claim that the Malays have “lost half their power” is laughable when you look at who actually controls the levers of government. But facts have never stopped him before, and they won’t now.
Younger Malaysians should see this for what it is: a recycled political tactic by an old man stuck in his 1970s worldview. The only “big umbrella” Mahathir is offering is one of paranoia and division — and Malaysia has had more than enough of that already.
Let’s be honest: anyone paying attention to Malaysian politics knows this is classic Mahathir. The man literally wrote the textbook on racial politics with The Malay Dilemma back in 1970, where he argued Malays needed protection from supposedly domineering non-Malays. The book was so incendiary it was banned by Tunku Abdul Rahman. But Mahathir, ever the master of self-promotion, unbanned it the moment he became prime minister in 1981. Since then, Mahathir has never missed a chance to harp on alleged threats to Malay rights. He has repeatedly called non-Malays pendatang — immigrants — despite most having families who have been here for generations. He’s insisted the Malays are under siege whenever it suited him politically, whether to consolidate power in Umno, justify the NEP’s continuation, or undermine his rivals.
Now, after two failed stints as PM and a humiliating electoral loss in Langkawi where he even lost his deposit, Mahathir wants to revive himself as the supreme Malay champion. This time, he’s dragging along Bersatu’s Muhyiddin Yassin and PAS’s Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man — both old friends and enemies depending on the day — under his new payung besar. He says it’s non-political, but don’t kid yourself: he’s already talking about preparing to retake power.
And yet, where is this supposed Malay crisis he keeps fearmongering about? Malays and Bumiputera dominate the civil service, judiciary, police, military, and top public university posts. Of the 43 highest-ranking government officials, only three are non-Malay. Of 107 director-generals, just four are non-Malay. Malay special rights are literally entrenched in the Federal Constitution. Islam’s position is untouchable. The sultans stand as guardians of Malay interests and identity. And with Malays projected to form a super-majority of the population in a few decades, the idea that they’re on the brink of extinction is absurd.
But Mahathir isn’t really interested in facts; he’s interested in feelings — specifically, stoking fear and anger in Malays who might believe his tall tales of a community on the edge. Because it’s the oldest political trick in the book: if you can convince people they’re under attack, they’ll rally behind you. And rallying is exactly what he needs, especially after falling out of relevance post-2022.
This isn’t about unity or solving real issues like education, wages, or corruption — it’s about Mahathir trying to stay relevant by hammering the same tired drum of Malay supremacy. His claim that the Malays have “lost half their power” is laughable when you look at who actually controls the levers of government. But facts have never stopped him before, and they won’t now.
Younger Malaysians should see this for what it is: a recycled political tactic by an old man stuck in his 1970s worldview. The only “big umbrella” Mahathir is offering is one of paranoia and division — and Malaysia has had more than enough of that already.
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